An old find rediscovered: a Roman spatha
from Cornacum in the holdings of the Zagreb
Archaeological Museum
By Ivan RadmanLivaja & Ivan Drnić
During a recent thorough reexamination of the old Iron
Age finds belonging to the Prehistoric collection of the
Zagreb Archaeological Museum, it transpired that a long
sword from the village of Sotin in eastern Croatia, sum
marily published a few decades ago,1 should not be
considered as a late La Tène find. The sword was donated
to the Museum by one Mr. Katić at an unknown date, likely
before WWII. We were not able to find more data about
this gentleman in the Museum archives but we presume
that the sword came to the Museum after the publication of
V. Hoffiller’s seminal articles devoted to Roman weaponry
in northern Croatia.2 Although this is a mere presumption,
we are inclined to believe that he would have noticed this
sword, if it had been in the collection before 1912, since he
correctly identified a spatha found in the Kupa near Sisak.3
That specimen, now lost, was 80 cm long (68.5 cm of
which belonged to the blade), and the width of the blade
did not exceed 5 cm. One cannot pretend that it is strik
ingly alike the Sotin find, but there are evident similarities
and it shows that Hoffiller would not have mistaken the lat
ter sword for a La Tène weapon, if he had been able to
inspect it while writing his paper.
Indeed, a more careful look at this specimen can confirm
that it is not a late Iron Age, i.e. a La Tène type sword (Fig.
1). Although its dimensions correspond fairly well to Lt C2
or Lt D1 swords, all other details differ considerably.
Namely, Middle La Tène swords from the phase Lt C2 are
characterised by a long, paralleledged blade, most often
with a lentilshaped crosssection, a rounded tip and a
stepped bellshaped blade shoulder ending with a rectangular
crosssection tang.4 However, the Sotin blade has a strap
crosssection and a slightly pointed tip, while its tang goes
directly into the blade, without the typical La Tène bell
shaped step. Late La Tène (Lt D1) swords, known from
southeastern Pannonian sites, differ morphologically even
more from the Sotin sword. Usually, they have a rhombic
section tang that ends in a bellshaped blade shoulder but,
furthermore, their blades have a pronounced midrib with
two lateral grooves running parallel to it on both sides. This
feature gives the blade a threerhombic crosssection.5
As far as La Tène C2 phase, swords gained in length and
lost their pointed tip, becoming primarily cutting and not
thrusting weapons, unlike older La Tène swords used
primarily by foot warriors. Just like the Roman spathae,
analogous to the Sotin specimen, Lt C2–D1 swords
certainly became weapons used by horsemen and it is no
coincidence that they are most often associated with horse
gear in burials. Generally speaking, since the end of the 3rd
century BC, one can observe the evolution of Celtic
warfare: horses were more commonly ridden to battle and
this novelty incidentally influenced changes in warrior’s
gear.6 Horse gear elements are also very common finds in
the Pannonian Late La Tène archaeological record, which
is in itself significant evidence about the importance of
both the horse and the horse warriors in the local com
munities.7 Nonetheless, during the Late La Tène period,
and especially in phase LT D2, swords with pointed tips
were again produced, as confirmed by numerous finds
made at the sites of Alesia, Port, Wederath and others, and
also at southeastern Alpine sites.8 This could be a result of
adjustment to ever more frequent conflicts with Roman
soldiers, who were using the short gladius with pointed tip.
Purely anecdotally, the fact that the Sotin sword is
slightly bent might have induced the researchers who saw
it first into the belief that it is a Celtic weapon, knowing
how widespread a ritual was to destroy and bend swords in
the La Tène culture, as witnessed by finds from graves and
sanctuaries. Nevertheless, the Sotin sword is not exactly
analogous either to the spathae dated to the late 2nd and
3rd centuries AD, with a rather good archaeological record
and classified by G. Ulbert in two categories based on
blade proportions, StraubingNydam and Lauriacum
Hromówka.9 The Sotin sword is c.91 cm long with a blade
length of c.79.6 cm (the sword is bent at several places and
the exact original length is difficult to estimate with cer
tainty). The blade width tapers from 5 cm at the top to
approximately 4 cm near the tip, the latter being 3 cm
wide.
By its general outlook and dimensions, it corresponds
fairly well to longer swords derived from Celtic weapons,
JRMES 17 2016, 1–5
2
Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 17 2016
used by the Roman cavalry during the 1st and 2nd centur
ies AD and commonly referred to as spathae.10 In his
typology of Roman swords, C. Miks departed from Ul
bert’s typology and proposed another vision: although he
kept the name of Ulbert’s ‘StraubingNydam type’, he
defined it more broadly, with several subtypes and, per
haps more importantly, in a much longer timeframe.
According to Miks’ typology, ‘StraubingNydam’ type long
swords, i.e. its different variants, can be dated from the
early 1st century AD to the late 3rd century AD. As a mat
ter of fact, only one variant is dated to the 1st century AD,
the so called ‘Newstead’ variant, whose use continued till
the end of the 2nd century AD or the very beginning of the
3rd century AD.11 The shape of the Sotin spatha corres
ponds quite well to this Miks’ subtype, except for the fact
that it is slightly larger than the specimens he recorded, i.e.
it has a longer and wider blade, but not by much compared
to the largest swords of this subtype. Admittedly, its di
mensions and shape would make it closer to Miks’
‘Straubing’ subtype,12 but the tip of the Sotin blade is only
slightly pointed and differs somehow from the pointier tips
of Miks’ ‘Straubing’ subtype. Since the latter type is dated
from the beginning of the 2nd century until the end of the
3rd century AD, despite this typological incertitude, we
consider that the Sotin spatha could broadly be dated to the
first two centuries AD.
According to M. Biborski and J. Ilkjaer typology, the Sot
in sword would seem to be related to their BuchPodlodów
type, i.e. to its subtype/variant 3.1, dated roughly to the
second half of the 2nd century AD.13 Biborski has previously
attempted to classify Roman swords from the 1st and 2nd
centuries AD into 12 groups, basing its typology chiefly on
dimensions and measurement comparisons: the Sotin sword
would correspond to its 12th group, encompassing longer
swords with narrower blades whose older specimens are
dated to the second half of the 2nd century AD.14
In modern Sotin, one can trace archaeologically a con
tinuity of settlement dating back to the Neolithic. The
Roman Cornacum was most likely built in the vicinity of
the existing Iron Age settlement.15 We still lack sufficient
data to establish a more precise timeframe for the building
of the fort, but it is rather certain that a military garrison
(presumably the ala I civium Romanorum) was stationed
there at the latest in the Flavian period.16 This ala took part
in Trajan's Dacian campaign, but which unit replaced it in
Cornacum is not known with certainty. If we take into ac
count the socalled topographic or cryptotopographic
sequence of the units listed on Lower Pannonian military
diplomas, we may presume that cohors I Montanorum took
over the garrison in Cornacum around 106, after the divi
sion of the province into Upper and Lower Pannonia. This
cohort could have remained there for quite a long time,
perhaps until AD 180, i.e. until the end of the Marcoman
nic and Sarmatian wars.17 The garrison seems to have
changed when the war ended, as cohors I Montanorum
Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 17 2016
went to Ad Latus. A unit formed during the rule of Marcus
Aurelius and previously stationed in Poetovio, cohors II
Aurelia Dacorum milliaria equitata pia fidelis, probably
arrived then in Cornacum.16 Its presence there is substanti
ated by brick finds bearing the inscription C II AUR D ANT
and by the discovery of two lead seals with the abbrevi
ation COH II AUR D. The latter findsare solid evidence of
this unit's presence, even if for a shorter period.19 The re
cent finds of two Lower Pannonian diplomas issued on 11
August 192 also confirm its stay in the province at the end
of the 2nd century.20 However, we do not know how long
cohors II Aurelia Dacorum milliaria equitata pia fidelis
(which during the Severan House, probably during the rule
of Caracalla or perhaps Elagabalus, carried the epithet Ant
oniniana) could have stayed in Cornacum. Based on a
recent find from Ilok and an epigraphic monument from
Sotin, discovered long time ago but reassessed only few
years ago, a hypothesis has been put forward on the pos
sible stay of cohors I Lusitanorum in Cornacum, perhaps
toward the end of the 2nd or during the 3rd century.21 Ac
cording to the Notitia Dignitatum, Cornacum was
garrisoned by equites Dalmatae, cuneus equitum scutarior
um and equites promoti in the 4th century AD.22
It should be pointed out that military presence in Cor
nacum was not limited to the auxiliary garrison, since
epigraphic evidence confirms the presence of beneficiarii
as well.23
Obviously, this stray find is not likely to resolve open
questions about the military history of Cornacum, but it cer
tainly represents a clue to the presence of cavalry units in
the fort. Thus, we must ask ourselves which unit could have
used such a sword in Cornacum. As already pointed out,
this was most likely a cavalryman’s weapon and it probably
cannot be dated much later than the 2nd century AD. The
ala I civium Romanorum could perhaps be a plausible an
swer to our question. A trooper belonging to that unit might
have used this spatha towards the end of the 1st century AD
and at the beginning of the 2nd century AD. Infantrymen of
the cohors I Montanorum do not seem to be likely candid
ates as possible owners of such a sword, unless one of their
officers preferred carrying a longer sword while riding. Fi
nally, it would not be unlikely at all that a trooper from the
cohors II Aurelia Dacorum milliaria equitata pia fidelis
could have been issued a spatha of this type.
The lack of find context does not allow more elaborate
conjecturing about this sword but we may hope that future
research might enlighten us about the past of Cornacum
and its garrison.
NOTES
1
MAJNARIĆPANDŽIĆ, 1970, 43, 92, T. XXXIII, 1.
2
HOFFILLER, 1910–1911; HOFFILLER, 1912.
3
HOFFILLER, 1912, 104, fig. 38–1.
4
LEJARS, 1996, 81–2, 89–90, Fig. 6.1; DIZDAR, 2013,
76–83.
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
3
LEJARS, 1996, 90, Fig. 6.3; DIZDAR, 2009; DIZDAR &
POTREBICA, 2014, 357–61, 369, Fig. 9.
LEJARS, 1994, 58–9; RAPIN, 1999, 58–9.
BOŽIČ, 1984; WERNER, 1988; BOŽIČ, 1993; STOJIĆ,
2003; FILIPOVIĆ, 2009.
LEJARS, 1996, 89–90, Fig. 6: 4–6; SIEVERS, 2001, 150–2, Pl.
50: 140–1, Pl. 51: 142; WYSS et al., 2002, 43–5, Pl. 1–2: 1–7,
Pl. 2–3: 8; ISTENIČ, 2010. Only one of these swords is known
from the territory of southeastern Pannonia, from the site of
OrlačaProvo, near Šabac. This sword is 85 cm long, its high
bellshaped hiltend is intact, and its blade terminates in a long,
pointed tip (TODOROVIĆ, 1968, 151, Pl. XLVII: 9).
ULBERT, 1974, 204; FEUGÈRE, 1993, 148–51; BISHOP
& COULSTON, 2006, 155–7.
FEUGÈRE, 1993, 148; THOMAS et al., 2001, 264–8; BISH
OP & COULSTON, 2006, 82, 130.
MIKS, 2007, 80–2, Vortafel B, C 20–1.
MIKS, 2007, 83–5, Vortafel B, C 23.
BIBORSKI & ILKJAER, 2006, 176–85.
BIBORSKI, 1994, 91–3, 101.
ILKIĆ, 2003, 1–16; SANADER, 2003, 141–2; DIZDAR et
al., 2009, 122–4; SANADER, 2010, 228, 230.
CICHORIUS, 1894, 1237; WAGNER, 1938, 26–7; KRAFT,
1951, 144; PINTEROVIĆ, 1968, 67–8; GABLER, 1971, 90,
Abb. 3; GABLER, 1979, 212, Abb. 4; SPAUL, 1994, 85–6;
LŐRINCZ, 2001, 18; RADMANLIVAJA, 2012, 176. An
opposing view was put forward by Fitz (1962, 69) and Eadie
(1977, 216–17): both authors doubt that a camp may have
existed or that a military garrison may have been present be
fore the 2nd half or the end of the 2nd century. However,
despite the lack of extensive systematic excavations, many
stray finds (e.g. Aucissa type brooches, Arretine ware sherds,
etc.) point beyond doubt to the Roman military presence
already in the early 1st century AD. Admittedly, there is no
conclusive data yet about the earliest Roman military unit
stationed in Cornacum, but it seems rather certain that a mil
itary garrison must have been there in the 1st century AD.
CICHORIUS, 1900, 316–17; WAGNER, 1938, 170–1;
KRAFT, 1951, 181; RADNÓTI & BARKÓCZI, 1951,
200–1, 214–15; NAGY, 1956, 67–8; ALFÖLDY, 1962, 270;
FITZ, 1962, 66–7, 69; MÓCSY, 1962, 623; EADIE, 1977,
216–17; BENEŠ, 1978, 46–7; ŠAŠEL, 1986, 782–6; VISY,
1988, 127; SPAUL, 2000, 292–3; LŐRINCZ, 2001, 39;
ILKIĆ, 2005, 29–30; GAYET, 2006, 70–1; RADMAN
LIVAJA, 2012, 177.
CICHORIUS, 1900, 279; CHEESMAN, 1914, 154; WAGN
ER, 1938, 129–30; RADNÓTI & BARKÓCZI, 1951, 215;
MÓCSY, 1962, 622; PINTEROVIĆ, 1968, 69–70;
LŐRINCZ, 2001, 34; ILKIĆ, 2005, 24–6; LŐRINCZ, 2005,
63; ILKIĆ, 2006, 64–6; RADMANLIVAJA, 2012, 177. Both
older and more recent literature (BRUNŠMID, 1901, 143–5;
WAGNER, 1938, 131; KLEMENC, 1961, 20; FITZ, 1962,
69, 95; KLEMENC, 1963, 63; EADIE, 1977, 217; SPAUL,
1994, 109, 348, 350–1; SANADER, 2003, 142; SANADER,
2008, 109) claim sometimes that this unit could have been the
4
19
20
21
22
23
Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 17 2016
cohors II Aurelia Dardanorum milliaria equitata (the unit’s
full name and its ordinal number sometimes vary, especially
in earlier authors, depending on the reading of the stamps on
the bricks found in Sotin), but this does not seem to be a valid
hypothesis. This cohort, probably formed during the Mar
comannic wars, has left enough epigraphic evidence in Upper
Moesia, more precisely in Ravna (Timacum Minus), cf.
WAGNER, 1938, 131–2; WILKES, 1969, 118; BENEŠ,
1978, 30–1; SPAUL, 1994, 350–1. The only monument at
tributed to it in Lower Pannonia (sometimes Dalj is wrongly
stated as its find spot, instead of Sotin, from where it was
transferred to the Castle Eltz in Vukovar, cf. ILKIĆ, 2006, 65)
happens to be an altar dedicated to Hercules (CIL III 10255),
but this is almost certainly due to mistaken reading: it does
not say coh(ortis) Aur(eliae) D(ardanorum) Ant(oninianae)
p(iae) f(idelis) but coh(ortis) Aur(eliae) Dac(orum) p(iae)
f(idelis). Therefore, the hypothesis that the second cohort of
Dardanians may have stayed in Lower Pannonia at the end
of the 2nd century is most likely erroneous.
ILKIĆ, 2005, 24–6; ILKIĆ, 2006, 64–6.
RMD 446; RMD 447; PFERDEHIRT, 2002, 247–60; MAC
DONALD & PANGERL, 2003, 259–71; ordinal number III
on the diploma RMD 446 is almost certainly a mistake by
the editor of the diploma.
ILKIĆ, 2005, 30; RENDIĆMIOČEVIĆ, 2009, 92–8; RAD
MANLIVAJA, 2012, 177.
Notitia Dignitatum, Occ. XXXII, 3, 12, 22, 31; VISY, 1988,
127.
CBI 423; BRUNŠMID, 1907, 111–12, KS 232; MIRKOVIĆ,
1971, 84–5, cat. 90; NELISCLÉMENT, 2000, 141, 163–4.
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